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Michael Moore [00:00:36] This is Rumble with Michael Moore, and yes, I am Michael Moore. Today, on Rumble, we’re going to be talking about what we must do to succeed next year in the midterm elections, in 2022 and beyond. And to do that, I’ve got a great guest, a professor of law and of history at Yale University. He had a great op-ed this week and I asked him if he would come on the show and talk about what it is, the landscape of what we’re facing, as we’re fighting lots of people on the right. But we’re also fighting the so-called moderate or centrist Democrats. And his name is Samuel Moyn, and he will be my guest here shortly. 

Michael Moore [00:01:41] But before we do that, I have a big announcement to make. Something I’ve been wanting to do for like 30 years since my first film. I mean, I get asked about this all the time, and I just think to myself, You’ve got to do this. People keep bugging you. And in the end, plus I think it’s a cool idea and whatever. So finally, after all these years of not having my own ball caps or T-shirts or whatever to offer here online and to use it to help some good causes, I have finally done it. I have pulled the trigger on this. And in the last 24-48 hours, I have opened up what I am calling – The Moore Store. The Moore store. It’s finally launched and it’s live and online. And all you have to do is go to Store.Michael And I mean, I can’t say how many times over these 30 years since my first film, I get stopped on the street or wherever. Hey, I want to get a ball cap for your movie. Or, you know, Don’t you have like any T-shirts…sorry I’ve never really had time to do that, and I’ve been meaning to do it. 

Michael Moore [00:02:54] Well, now I’ve done it. The pandemic, you know, sitting, working at home in lockdown. What can I do with my time? I know I can finally open The Moore Store and sell these hats and T-shirts and coffee mugs and other cool stuff. And so we’ve done it. Store.Michael We’ve got Dog Eat Dog hats and hoodies. We’ve got Rumble all over the place. We got Rumble coffee mugs, we got Rumble T-shirts, three different kinds of T-shirts. We have the Rumble ball cap. So if you’d like to get one of these for yourselves or as a present for the holidays here, I’d be happy to provide you with the very, very first edition of all of these things. And a portion of these proceeds are going to go primarily to help support the progressive causes and movements that I believe in, but also to groups that are trying to protect the arts in schools, to bring back music and theater in our public schools, and also civics classes, which seem to be disappearing more and more these days. And I will help support that with the proceeds from this merchandise. That’s Michael Moore Rumble merchandise. 

Michael Moore [00:04:14] So now some of you are asking, What’s a Dog Eat Dog hat? Dog Eat Dog is the name of my production company. We named it for the first film, Roger & Me. And it’s been the name of our company for my films for 30 plus years. And it’s just from the old saying, you know, it’s a dog eat dog world. In this case, meaning you’ll see when you see the logo of the two dogs – one a big bully, corporate type dog and the other is a cute little puppy underdog. It looks like the bull is getting ready to cause great harm to the little dog. But if you see the animation of this, let’s just say the big bully corporate dog does not win. So we just came up with this and many, many years ago, we made crew hats. You know, we had these Dog Eat Dog hats just for ourselves. And I just said when we were putting this together here during the lockdown, why don’t we offer our crew hoodies to the public? I don’t think anybody’s worked on my movies, but it’s kind of, you know, just for honorary members. They’re a part of Dog Eat Dog films. And so, I think, on the hoodie, it says crew. And I really like it. It’s very cool and there’ll be a link to The Moore Store right here on the description of this podcast platform page. 

Michael Moore [00:05:48] And if you have anything that you’d like me to offer, make it available at The Moore Store, some ideas, I’m open to anything. Just write me ideas. More to come. And there’s also a voicemail link on this platform page . Just click on that link there and you can leave me a one minute voicemail, so please feel free to do that. And it’s all, you know, either union made or printed here in the United States. All done in the U.S. here and delivered to you by only union delivery people at the United States Postal Service and UPS. So we try to make this as much a union supported thing as possible, made in America. So there you go. There it is. Finally, 30 years in the making we’ve launched this week, The Moore Store. 

Michael Moore [00:07:00] And I think, is this a good time to make the big announcement here? So in the last week or so, here on Rumble with Michael Moore, we have surpassed the 30 millionth download, 30 million downloads and we’re not even two years old. This podcast has 30 million downloads of Rumble with Michael Moore. And it’s kind of blown our minds, to say the least. So grateful to all of you out there for all of you who participate in Rumble with Michael Moore, and thanks to all my great guests that have come on the podcast in these first twenty two months. Much appreciation to everyone. And we were so happy that we could announce this finally, today that we’ve hit 30 million downloads of Rumble with Michael Moore. Oh man, real mind blower. Much gratitude to everybody and my thanks here to the crew. Basel Hamdan, executive producer and our editor and sound engineer Nick Kwas, and I think now that we’ve made this your official title Donald, your the Swiss Army knife slash jack of all trades Donald Borenstein, and Harrison Malkin, thank you for all your research and all your help here. So, here we go onto the next 30 million downloads. 

Michael Moore [00:09:15] If you’re not signed up on my mailing list, just go to right there. And it’s got my weekly letter I send out to my list and you should be on that list, if you’re not already. So just put your email address in there when the page comes up and you can become a paid subscriber, but it’s free. Everything I write, every podcast. It’s all free. So just hit the free button there and it’s all yours. And in fact, I want to thank everybody for their comments on my letter last week. I turned my weekly letter over to Herb Shenkman, and Herb is one of the leaders of the moderate wing of the Democratic Party. And so I thought it’d be good just to see what he has to say. And boy, was it revealing. Now, a lot of people thought when they read it that somehow Herb and I have become friends. And I was sharing my weekly letter with him. But that’s not the case at all. I find this when I make my documentaries, and if I just shut up and just let the opposition speak, they will reveal more than I could ever get out of them by, you know, pounding them with questions or sitting on their chest or whatever. 

Michael Moore [00:10:35] So if you get a chance to read this past Sunday’s letter there at, you’ll get a good dose of Herb Shenkman and an idea of what we’re all up against. I also will say to people that are not fans of satire or whatever, just, you know, give it a chance here. You know, Monty Python, wasn’t all wrong. Let me just say that. And speaking of Herb Shenkman and all the other kind of hacks that we’ve had to put up with, old school Democrats, that’s what we’re going to talk about here on today’s show, and we’ve got this, as I said, this great guest who will be joining us here, Professor of Law and History at Yale University, Samuel Moyn.

Michael Moore [00:15:46] So we’re all set here to bring out our guest on the podcast today. Let me just set it up by acknowledging that late last Friday night, the Democrats passed a $1.2 trillion dollar physical infrastructure bill, and this will provide as many of you know, much needed money for roads and bridges and railroads and internet access, and some more money to build the electric car charging stations and electric school busses. There’s a few thousand of those, you know, and some other things. However, they did not, Congress did not, as promised, also vote on the Build Back Better human infrastructure bill. Build Back Better. Let’s just call what Biden was trying to do with a second bill, the human infrastructure bill. And that was going to invest massive amounts of money into health care, child care, elder care, Medicare expansion and other extremely popular and much needed programs. After Nancy Pelosi and Pramila Jayapal, friend of the show and the Progressive Caucus, friends of the show, both demanded and promised that both of these bills would get voted on together. 

Michael Moore [00:17:06] They all blinked. Only the smaller, physical infrastructure bill that has the backing of corporate America, because, of course, those corporations rely on those roads and bridges and railroads and airports that the government funds, so that they can sell their products and run their businesses, only that bill passed. And all the leverage that the progressive caucus once held to make sure that the Build Back Better bill, the human infrastructure bill, would get funded and passed, that leverage has now evaporated. Only six House Democrats – Rashida, AOC, Jamaal Bowman, Ilhan Omar, Cori Bush and Ayanna Pressley stuck to their promise and stuck to their guns, demanding that the House only vote on both of these bills together. And so they are obviously taking a lot of crap now from the mainstream media and the Democratic Party establishment for bucking their party and sticking to their word and their principles. This all comes in the wake of last Tuesday’s elections, where the usual suspects are all calling for the Democratic Party to scale back all their big ideas and move to the center. 

Michael Moore [00:18:32] This includes chipping away at Biden’s Build Back Better bill and really watering it down now. So at some point, what’s the point? This, my friends, is trouble. It’s big trouble for us, for the country, for the planet. So to discuss this problem and figure out what to do now, I am joined today by Samuel Moyn. Samuel is both a law professor and a history professor at Yale University and in The Guardian this week, he has an op-ed saying, “If Democrats return to centrism, they are doomed to lose against Trump. Biden was once touted as the new FDR, that ambition is fast dying as are our Democratic hopes of remaining in power.” Sam, welcome to Rumble. 

Samuel Moyn [00:19:28] Thanks for having me, Michael. 

Michael Moore [00:19:29] So let’s just jump right into this. Why did Pelosi blink and why did the progressive caucus blink? 

Samuel Moyn [00:19:39] Well, it’s very hard to understand because if you think the election mattered, it was already over. If there were lessons to be drawn, it wasn’t necessary to rush into them. You know, if the Democrats have to win in 2022, there is a time to figure out how to do that. And so it’s very hard to understand why it was necessary to separate the two bills. And yet the mainstream of the Democrats and some progressives decided to do it. And as you say, losing leverage over the bigger ticket, Build Back Better bill. So I think we have to take a guess. One is that this is what a lot of Democrats wanted to happen. They’re still on the thrall of the old ideologies of austerity and neoliberalism, and they saw an opportunity to basically terrorize some progressives into, you know, the wrong course. And fortunately, six said no. 

Michael Moore [00:20:50] I don’t know how to feel about this. I mean, yeah, obviously I’ve had a lot of progressive members of the House on my podcast here. I know a number of them pretty well and have great admiration for them. And I guess somehow they think, boy, I’d like to be proven wrong here. I’d like to just trust their judgment on this. They think it’s all going to be OK. They’ve got a letter, or something from five of the more moderate members of the House who said that if the Congressional Budget Office score shows that this doesn’t wreck the economy, then they’ll be there and they’ll vote for this bill. And we’re going to get these, you know, a limited version, not the original $3.5 trillion, we’ll have the votes, at least in the House. I still haven’t heard that there’s anything from Sinema or Manchin saying that they are going to vote for this. So what do you think here? I’m not asking you to predict… 

Samuel Moyn [00:21:50] You’re asking the right questions. You know, we trust Jayapal. I mean, she’s been the leader of the progressive caucus and she’s consented to this arrangement and she must have a level of trust. As you mentioned, some of her colleagues gave her assurances. Of course, some, like Abigail Spanberger, refused to do so. But right, as you also say, the game for Build Back Better is much more in the Senate and no assurances from anyone in the House can, I think, provide a lot of optimism. So I really hope that, you know, the cards have been played well, but it doesn’t look like it to me. We can think of so many, you know, off ramps for the centrists. One is to, you know, take the pricing that, you know, they’ve said…they just have to wait for an excuse to back out of the deal. But without leverage, they can find any excuse or none to scuttle the Build Back Better bill or just reduce it even by, you know, another thousand cuts that it’s already suffered. 

Samuel Moyn [00:23:36] And even then, the Senate is anyone’s guess. So it was a very depressing moment because, you know, you called Trump’s election last time around when no one did. I think now we have to see that if we don’t mobilize the state for those who are stagnating, we will incur their wrath, and rightly so. And yet the lessons don’t seem to be learned from 2016, even though for four years, we insisted that we were on the brink of fascism. 

Michael Moore [00:24:16] Right. So a lot of people came out to vote in 2020 who had not voted in a long time, if ever. And and so Biden got more votes than any president in our history and beat Trump by over seven million votes. I had this feeling that a lot of them came out because these promises were made, these really basic promises. I’m not talking about the really radical stuff. Maybe some people I know, like me, would be voting. These things are not radical – that old people should be able to get eyeglasses, their teeth checked, a hearing aid or two. You know, pre-K. All this stuff, these aren’t radical ideas. Why are we even having to worry about this when the American people have made it clear they wanted the Democrats in power, both in the White House, the House and the Senate? 

Samuel Moyn [00:25:14] Well, you know it is a great question because it’s minor stuff in the context of industrial democracies and, in fact, what has already been stripped out of Build Back Better, which, you know, we had free college long ago. Family leave more recently is also standard. You know, universal single payer health care, what wasn’t in it at any point. And these are so basic to what American citizenship ought to involve. It’s no wonder that people are disappointed. And you know, we also have to add to what you said, that while Biden got the most votes of any presidential candidate in U.S. history, Trump got the second most because it was just that he mobilized an electorate. And I’m very worried because it could be the last chance for the Democrats to kind of offer a credible package to the working people of the country. And it seems like they’re missing it. And that’s sad because we were warned for years that if we missed it again, we really might not have a country, anything like the one we’ve had before. And then we were told that Biden was FDR saving us, as Roosevelt did in the 30s from all the terrible alternatives of that era, but then to go minimal, it just doesn’t seem like they could have been telling the truth or serious before. 

Michael Moore [00:27:18] Why don’t they understand that by not delivering on these promises, why people went to the polls and voted for them, then if they don’t pass this bill, if they don’t do other things, we’re not even talking about voting rights anymore. If they don’t do these things, what makes them think that people are gonna’ come out next year and vote for them? I’m beside myself with this and I read your op-ed and I thought, Yes, exactly. Why don’t the Democrats understand this? 

Samuel Moyn [00:27:45] Well, you know, not to get cynical, but I think they do understand it. And the centrists have made a calculation that they can’t lose the support of the rich, and they recognize that, you know, wealthier suburbanites also went for Biden last time, and they don’t like higher taxes, though they hate Trump. And that the centrists can squeak by. And that seems to be their bet, but it’s an enormous risk to incur just to keep the rich happy. And there’s a whole nother part of the electorate that FDR had and that the Democrats had for a generation that you could get back by abandoning the rich to their own devices and, you know, doing something you know, for working people finally. 

Michael Moore [00:28:57] Right. 

Samuel Moyn [00:28:58] And I really worry that the bet that the centrists have made will blow up in all of our faces.

Michael Moore [00:29:06] And do they know something about us on the left that most of us, it seems, some of us, will back down. And will eventually say, You know what, we just got to get what we can get right now and then we’ll deal with it later. Like, a lot of people said when Obamacare was passed, which by the way, that was passed 12 years ago. 12 years ago. Yeah, we’ll work on that single-payer thing or some of this other stuff. Let’s just get this one passed – it’s 12 years later. Where are we? 

Samuel Moyn [00:29:37] Exactly. And I have a hard time explaining some of those who, you know, trusted Biden or were willing to stop holding this infrastructure bill hostage in order to get the human infrastructure. And that’s where I think we have to get into this narrative that crystallized so quickly around the, you know, defeat of Terry McAuliffe in the Virginia gubernatorial campaign last week, because suddenly the centrists could say, You’re going too far. And that’s why we lost, you’re supporting critical race theory in school when a lot of Virginians were just upset that, you know, that we’d reacted to the pandemic by closing schools for so long. And I think that there was a sense after McAuliffe lost that there was like an emergency. But it just perplexes me that the response to the emergency would be to return to the center when that’s what McAuliffe stood for his whole career as a kind of apparatchik of Bill Clinton and as a kind of critic of moving beyond austerity and neoliberalism for decades. And yet the response has been to take that race as a warning not to move left, not to think about a more generous social contract for our fellow Americans. 

Michael Moore [00:31:25] And it’s not just Virginia. Look what a horrible loss New Jersey had. He won. The governor won. Every election has some winners and losers. They just went overboard on this, though. Look at the, you know, the Democrats lost in this and that. Boston’s got a great new mayor. I mean, I can cite races all over the country last week that actually turned out quite well. And yet they’re pounding away and then they brought out the big guns. Mark Penn, the old school guy that ran the Clinton campaigns, et cetera. The New York Times editorial board came out chastising progressives and saying that, If the Democratic Party doesn’t get more moderate, then we’re going to lose. And it’s like, this is the great liberal New York Times. I’m just like, Wow, they’re really afraid of the progressives and of the country, which has become progressive. 

Michael Moore [00:32:26] The majority of Americans take the liberal left progressive position on just about every issue and support it by wide margins of 60-70, sometimes 80 percent. Gun controls 90 percent. They are misreading the country because they don’t want to lose their power. That’s how I look at it. What do we do about this? 

Samuel Moyn [00:32:55] Well, I think there’s got to be a short-term strategy and a long-term one. I mean, because, as you note, we are seeing change and we’re seeing more resistance to military spending and the endless wars that Democrats have begun to internalize. And even some Republicans say that you don’t just fight a war because it’s there. And on domestic policy, I think it’s just terrifying to some of these centrists that they could be forced into baking in a kind of new entitlement because they know that once that happens, as with Social Security in the 1930s, you can’t get rid of it, because people come to expect it as like a basic right of citizenship. And so all of these things that the Democrats began to offer and that the progressive support and that, as you say, the American people want in by huge margins, you know, we’re coming up to the brink and there’s just terror that they’ll actually be forced to give them out. And then pay for them through taxation. 

Samuel Moyn [00:34:21] And that’s what these old centrists, you know, have to forbid at all costs. And so it was amazing that the New York Times wrote this editorial, demanding that Democrats accept a centrist political reality. All right. Because what that meant was, you know, returning to the center, not just on one or two issues, like Critical Race Theory or police abolition, but on these economic matters, on bread and butter, you know, popular entitlements that so many Americans not just deserve but say they want. So we’ve got to run more progressive candidates and do it outside cities and begin to reconstitute from below, you know, FDR’s coalition, which was so popular for so long. And in the short-term, I think it just means keeping the pressure up and supporting our progressives if they’re being canny and Machiavellian. 

Samuel Moyn [00:35:46] And maybe Jayapal is doing that, maybe she’s mistaken, but definitely supporting those that won’t take no for an answer like AOC and the rest of the Squad that so heroically said that if you give up your leverage, you give up the result. And so I think we’ve got to, you know, we’ve got to count on the emergence of a new generation that is beyond neoliberalism, that fears the ecological crisis that is already upon us, that doesn’t understand doesn’t understand that why the rich have, you know, gained ownership of our political system. And so it’s a matter of time. I just hope it’s not too late, given where, you know, Trump or some other Republican could take the country in 2024.

Michael Moore [00:36:48] When the discussion comes up over Thanksgiving dinner in a week or so. And the more moderate Democrats at the table are chastising the rest of us for we may be blowing it, You’re blowing it. They’ve bought the soup here on this kind of misleading characterization that progressives are going to be the death of us. And you know, if you were at that table and somebody, you know, maybe more conservative than you, but you know, still a Democrat would say that to you, what would your answer be? 

Samuel Moyn [00:37:24] Well, it’s a great question, Michael, because I will be at that table. And it’s good, I need some of your ideas. But what I’ll tell you is that it’s unclear how we can return to the policy that caused the situation to get out of it. And yet that’s what the centrists are insisting on. And it’s just hypocritical that so many of them watching MSNBC, you know, said that we really needed emergency action and we do because we’ve gotten a respite from the far right for four years really and if we don’t act, then just as they said while Trump was president, we may lose the country. And yet then to return to this same kind of talking points about inflation and taxation and frankly, you know, the welfare state itself that was so common for so many years, alienating the working class from their old party, then we will deserve to lose. 

Michael Moore [00:39:07] I don’t want that to happen. I think all of us should just double down right now, we got a lot of work to do this year, this coming year, and just trust that the majority of Americans agree with us. They want help with child care, with taking care of their parents, they want an expanded Medicare, they want it for everybody. Like you said, single payer’s not even on the table yet. All of these things. The vast majority of Americans are on our side. This is not the time for us to give up or to be thinking, Oh, Manchin, Sinema, they’ve wrecked it for all of us, we have to get smart. We have to think differently. You know? We have to float like a butterfly and sting like a bee. I mean, that’s how I’m looking at it right now. 

Michael Moore [00:40:00] And in upcoming episodes as we get into the new year I will talk about some of the specifics. But before you go on, I know you have a lecture to give here today at Boston College. Is that right? 

Samuel Moyn [00:40:13] Yeah. 

Michael Moore [00:40:14] And some day you’ll explain to me the difference between Boston College, BU. and BC. I just, you know, being a Midwestern, I don’t understand why we need both of them, and I don’t understand what they do differently. But I’ve been told they’re very different. So but that’s not that’s not my last question here. My last question is that you have written about and spoken about and I think teach in your history classes at Yale about the Supreme Court. Things that I thought I knew that were in the Constitution aren’t there about the Supreme Court or about the so-called three, co-equal branches of government. All that stuff we were taught in school. That kind of stuff isn’t really quite stated that way in the Constitution. And you’ve written recently of how we must not despair that we can’t do anything about the Supreme Court that we’re stuck with now until, you know, Basel’s grandchildren are born. So tell us in just the brief amount of time that we have here, what can be done to fix this awful situation? 

Samuel Moyn [00:41:20] So, you know, you and I took civics back in the Cold War and we were told that the Supreme Court is indispensable for justice. But it turns out it’s not. And it’s strayed beyond the purposes that it should have and the Constitution gives it, which is just to enforce the law that the Legislature makes and to give people a place to, you know, get protection from the law that the Legislature makes. And so what we have to redo is cut it down in size and protect our rights as they have mostly been protected through Congress. And it’s not that, you know, the Supreme Court has never done good things, but it was rare and it’s not coming back. It’s the most business friendly court in a century. And as you say, it’s no longer protecting African-Americans and women, especially when it comes to abortion rights, which have already been, you know, treated to death by a thousand cuts. 

Samuel Moyn [00:42:31] And so I think what we have to do is kind of teach a new civics class to ourselves and our fellow citizens where we say we can’t rely on the court to save us. We have to save ourselves and then let it, you know, have the role it ought to have, which is to enforce the law rather than overturn it. You know, Obamacare, multiple lawsuits. You know, the Supreme Court in the first of those lawsuits, as you know, cut out the Medicaid expansion, which Congress approved and consigned some of the poorest Americans, Blacks in the south mostly, to a lesser program. And so across the board, I think we’re entering a new era when we can revisit what powers the court ought to have and stop censoring our laws or throwing them out altogether. 

Michael Moore [00:43:43] Is one of the solutions adding four more justices to the Supreme Court, so that the damage that Trump did to it is at least for… 

Samuel Moyn [00:43:54] It’s worth considering especially if we think there was skullduggery. And Mitch McConnell is no stranger to skullduggery. But right in the long-term, who’s on the court is a separate question from what powers they ought to enjoy. And remember across partisan lines, these justices, including, you know, the notorious BGB and other liberals, have been very business friendly, you know, because they’re close to the Democratic Party in its old incarnation. And so I think, ultimately, we need to change the role of the court and changing who is up there on it, who gets to rule from on high is not the answer. 

Michael Moore [00:44:41] Well, I know we don’t talk much about the Supreme Court these days because we have so many other things we’re dealing with, we’re in the middle of a global pandemic, but I’ll post a couple of things here that you’ve written and encourage people to read them and also your book that’s out right now. I’ll put a link to that here on our podcast page, but I don’t want to give up on this idea: we have to fix the damage, brutal damage that’s been done to the court over the years and the long-term thing that you’ve raised here, which is just the power that the Supreme Court has in getting that straightened out. It’s somewhere in the last century we fell into a different way of thinking about the Supreme Court, and I’m sure it’s the way that corporate America wanted us to think and it benefited them. But that can’t continue. So I know everybody’s listening like, Mike, another thing I have to think about?! 

Michael Moore [00:45:35] Yes, I know it’s hard. It’s hard, but you know what did those in the French resistance have to do? That must have been hard. You know, they didn’t get to go to a soccer game at five o’clock in the afternoon. They didn’t get to do it. I mean, this is the way it happens. This is the way history goes, sometimes it’s hard. And Sam, I’m so appreciative that you took the time today to come on and talk about what’s happened in the last week and how we must not give in or give up. And that always trust to know that we represent the majority of the people in this country. 

Samuel Moyn [00:46:08] Well, it’s a real privilege to be with you. 

Michael Moore [00:46:10] Well, thank you very much and please come back on and talk to us again. And I shall not despair, and I’ll just close on that. Thank you so much. Samuel Moyn, our guest here, law professor, history professor at Yale University and occasional lecturer at Boston College, not Boston University. All right. Thanks so much, Sam. 

Samuel Moyn [00:46:31] All right. Thanks. Bye bye. 

Michael Moore [00:46:32] Be well. OK, so that’s it here on Rumble with Michael Moore. I want to thank my guest, Samuel Moyn, and I really want to thank the 30 million of you out there who have downloaded episodes of this podcast over its first 20, 21, 22 months. Much appreciated. And please share it with your family and friends, and please know that I have extreme gratitude for you joining me on this podcast. Thanks also to everybody who in the first day or two here have gotten your ball caps and T-shirts and hoodies and coffee mugs and stickers and everything else we’ve got at The Moore Store. It’s very cool to watch this happen and we will be able to provide some good funds to the different groups that I support, progressive groups and movements, and also those who are fighting to get our music and theater and arts classes back in our public schools and our civics classes. 

Michael Moore [00:47:36] This is just a big new thing that’s bugging me for a number of years now. And we can’t let this happen to the next generation. So thanks everybody for tuning in. Thanks to Basel and Nick and Donald and Harrison for helping me out here. And I will see you again next week here on Rumble. In the meantime, join me on my Substack column, my weekly letter, just go to for that. My newsletter will be up this weekend. OK? Be safe, be well, and do good work. And thanks for being a part of this. This is Michael Moore and this is Rumble.